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1 | The Great Divergence in World Incomes: | 28 | N=population Estimates of net agricultural |
Why Are Some Countries Rich and Others | exports must be added to go from | ||
Poor? Bob Allen Professor of Economic | consumption to production. The output | ||
History Nuffield College, Oxford 2008. | estimates are consistent with direct | ||
2 | Part 1: When did Northwestern Europe | calculations for England and the | |
pull ahead of the Rest of the World? | Netherlands. | ||
3 | The Great Divergence Debate. The | 29 | Standard explanation emphasizes |
classical economists and most scholars | enclosures and capitalist farming: | ||
since have argued that Europe was ahead of | 30 | ||
Asia for a very long time. They try to | 31 | Surviving medieval ridge and furrow. | |
explain why: Smith: Minimal government and | 32 | In fact, these institutional changes | |
openness to trade Malthus: Differences in | made only minor contributions to | ||
marriage patterns Marx: capitalist versus | productivity growth: | ||
other institutions (Asiatic mode of | 33 | Much of the incentive to increase | |
production). | productivity was a response to the growth | ||
4 | The California School has challenged | of cities: | |
this. Key books: Ken Pomeranz, The Great | 34 | Sir James Steuart (1767) had the | |
Divergence Bin Wong, China Transformed | essential insight: “a farmer will not | ||
James Lee and Wang Feng, One Quarter of | labour to produce a superfluity of grain | ||
Humanity: Malthusian Mythology and Chinese | relative to his own consumption, unless he | ||
Realities They claim that income | finds some want which may be supplied by | ||
differences between Europe and Asia were | the means of the superfluity.”. Sixty | ||
small c. 1800 and Asian institutions were | years later, Gibbon Wakefield spelled out | ||
adequate for development. Evidence for | the global context: “In England, the | ||
incomes is very weak. | greatest improvements have taken place | ||
5 | I will argue that the California | continually, ever since colonization has | |
School is wrong and that northwestern | continually produced new desires amongst | ||
Europe pulled ahead of Asia 1500-1750. I | the English, and new markets wherein to | ||
begin by measuring income differences. | purchase the objects of desire. With the | ||
Maddison’s GDP estimates are very | growth of sugar and tobacco in America, | ||
unrealiable. Instead I rely on real wages. | came the more skillful growth of corn in | ||
They measure the incomes of workers and | England. Because in England, sugar was | ||
perhaps other people as well. | drank and tobacco smoked, corn was raised | ||
6 | Measuring real wages requires data on | with less labour, by fewer hands. | |
wages and consumer prices. These are | 35 | If farmer’s increased output, they | |
available for many European cities in | could keep up with high wage economy: | ||
price histories. Many have been written in | 36 | The Growth of London created cheap | |
last 150 years Historian finds an | energy: London population 1500: 50,000 | ||
institution that has lasted hundreds of | 1600: 200,000 1700: 500,000 1800: | ||
years and copies prices of all | 1,000,000 This growth created the British | ||
transactions. Published in books I have | coal industry, which was unique in the | ||
computerized these Weights and measures | world. The British coal industry gave | ||
converted to metric Money converted to | Britain the cheapest energy in the world. | ||
grams of silver This work is being | Cheap energy led to invention of energy | ||
extended to Asia. | using technology and the expansion of | ||
7 | The first efforts were for Europe, | energy using industries. | |
followed quickly by the Ottoman Empire: | 37 | ||
Jan Luiten van Zanden, “Wages, and the | 38 | ||
Standards of Living in Europe,” European | 39 | ||
Review of Economic History, 1999, 175-98. | 40 | As a result, northern and western | |
Robert C. Allen, ‘The Great Divergence in | Britain had the cheapest energy in the | ||
European Wages and Prices,’ Explorations | world. | ||
in Economic History, 2001, 411-447. S. | 41 | Next challenge: Put these ideas | |
?zmucur and S. Pamuk, ‘Real Wages and | together in a model that separates out the | ||
Standards of Living in the Ottoman | causes of success and failure in the early | ||
Empire,” Journal of Economic History, | modern economy: Things to explain | ||
2002, 293-321. | (endogenous variables) Real wage | ||
8 | Now this research is being extended to | Urbanization Agricultural productivity | |
Asia: D Ma and J-P Bassino, “Japanese | Proto-industrialization Explanatory | ||
Unskilled Wages in International | factors (exogenous variables) population | ||
Perspective,” Research in Economic | Agricultural land Productivity in textiles | ||
History, 2005. RC Allen, J-P Bassino, D | (new draperies) Intercontinental trade | ||
Ma, C Moll-Murata, J-L van Zanden, ‘Wages, | (result of imperial policy) Price of | ||
prices, and Living Standards in China, | energy Prince or republic literacy. | ||
Japan, and Europe, 1738-1925” RC Allen, | 42 | A data base is put together. Countries | |
“India in the Great Divergence,” in | at fifty or one hundred year intervals | ||
Hatton, O’Rourke, Taylor, eds., The New | Uses earlier occupational distribution | ||
Comparative Economic History: Essays in | data Agricultural total factor | ||
Honor of Jeffery G. Williamson, 2007, pp. | productivity estimated from output, land, | ||
9-32. | and labour Other variables like textile | ||
9 | These studies involve comparing: Wage | productivity, literacy, trade data are | |
rates, which are usually expressed in | calculated. | ||
grams of silver per day. Consumer prices: | 43 | Textile productivity is measured as | |
usually the cost of a ‘basket of goods’. | the ratio of input prices (wool, labour) | ||
Welfare ratio: a full year’s earnings | to cloth price: | ||
divided by the cost of maintaining a | 44 | Energy price. | |
family for a year. | 45 | ||
10 | Here’s how daily wages compared: | 46 | The model is tested by seeing if it |
11 | Did high silver wages translate into a | replicates the various national histories. | |
high standard of living? The answer | Here is the simulated wage: | ||
depends on the cost of living! | 47 | Simulated agricultural TFP. | |
12 | To measure the cost of living: Collect | 48 | Simulated urbanization rates: |
prices of all of the important consumer | 49 | We can use the model to identify the | |
goods. These must be converted to grams of | causes of England’s advance. Can we turn | ||
silver per metric unit. A basket of goods | England into France? Here are simulated | ||
must be specified and its cost computed. | wages: | ||
13 | A basket is specified for an adult | 50 | Simulated urbanization. |
male covering a whole year. Various | 51 | Simulated agricultural TFP. | |
standards of comfort could be chosen. My | 52 | The Great Divergence was mainly the | |
first basket was what I now call the | result of English and Dutch success in the | ||
European respectability basket. This is | world economy. To a significant extent, | ||
supposed to represent total, annual | this was successful mercantilism. England | ||
spending for a man. This supplies 1940 | and the low countries were the high wage | ||
kcalories per day. It was inspired by | part of the world. England was also the | ||
eighteenth century budgets and poor house | cheap energy region of the world. | ||
diets. Bread is the main carbohydrate. | 53 | Part III: Why did the early modern | |
Beer or wine and meat are included. | Great Divergence lead to the Industrial | ||
Non-foods are included. Rent at 5% is | Revolution? | ||
added on. | 54 | The problem is explaining why the | |
14 | steam engine, cotton spinning, coke | ||
15 | smelting, etc., were invented and adopted | ||
16 | Welfare ratio for a family: WR=Annual | in Britain in the 18th century. These were | |
income/annual cost of subsistence Annual | macro-inventions Radically changed factor | ||
income = man’s annual income assuming full | proportions (biased technical change) | ||
time, full year work Annual cost of | Great potential for elaboration Ideas came | ||
subsistence = 3 times cost of basket | from outside industry Despite their | ||
(including 5% for rent). This annual | revolutionary potential, they were barely | ||
subsistence cost includes man, woman, and | viable commercially even under the most | ||
children If WR=1, income is just enough to | favourable circumstances. | ||
buy the specified basket or standard of | 55 | Were these technologies invented | |
living. | because of better ‘fundamentals’? Better | ||
17 | Roman Empire c. 300 AD. | property rights or limited government? No | |
18 | The problem with this basket is that | Better culture? No Better science? No | |
it is too expensive for most people in the | Better geography? Not better agricultural | ||
world! Therefore, I constructed a ‘bare | resources Britain had developed coal but | ||
bones’ minimum basket. This is supposed to | other countries had it. | ||
represent total, annual spending for a | 56 | The macro-inventions were made in 18th | |
man. This also supplies 1940 kcalories per | century Britain because that was the first | ||
day, mainly from the cheapest grain. Small | time and place that it paid to invent | ||
amounts of meat, beans, butter, or oil to | them. The macro-inventions were biased | ||
supply protein and fat in keeping with | technical changes. They used inputs that | ||
local diet. Small quantities of non-foods | were cheap in Britain and saved inputs | ||
are included. Rent at 5% is added on. | that were dear. Even under British | ||
19 | conditions, they were barely profitable to | ||
20 | The Great Divergence in Living | operate. They were not profitable to use | |
Standards Happened 1400-1750. | elsewhere. | ||
21 | Workers around the World earned | 57 | Invention was an economic activity |
incomes 3 – 4 times subsistence in 1400. | influenced by factor prices. “Invention is | ||
Some of the surplus was spent on more | 1% inspiration and 99% perspiration.” | ||
calories. Much of the surplus was spent on | (Edison) Inspiration for macro-inventions | ||
better quality food—meat, alcohol. | came from outside the industry (science, | ||
22 | The Great Divergence preceded the | copying, and so forth) Sometimes banal | |
Industrial Revolution: English and Dutch | Perspiration refers to R&D. Perfecting | ||
workers still earned 3 – 4 times | the engineering was most of invention. | ||
subsistence. They provided the mass market | This entailed costs. Factor prices | ||
for the ‘consumer revolution.’ Workers in | determined adoption Adoption determined | ||
India, China, and south and central Europe | benefits Benefits necessary for R&D | ||
earned only enough to survive (Welfare | Therefore, factor prices affected | ||
Ratio = 1). | invention. | ||
23 | Part II: Why did northwest Europe pull | 58 | Micro-inventions. Realized the |
ahead? | potential of the macro-inventions Came | ||
24 | The immediate explanation is that the | from local learning Tended to produce | |
high wage economies were economically more | neutral technical change Unleashed path | ||
developed: | dependent trajectory of improvement. | ||
25 | Wage was maintained in northwest | Eventually cut costs enough to make the | |
Europe (W) and fell elsewhere (W1). | adoption of the macro-inventions | ||
26 | Why was northwest Europe more | profitable outside of Britain When the | |
successful? Legal, constitutional, | ‘tipping point’ occurred, the Industrial | ||
institutional development? Culture? In | Revolution spread abroad. | ||
keeping with the assessment of Marxism, I | 59 | ||
investigate: Agrarian structure? No | 60 | ||
Commercial expansion? Yes I will review | 61 | ||
evidence about agriculture and about | 62 | ||
energy to argue that urban growth was a | 63 | The British inventions led to modern | |
cause of these developments. Agricultural | economic growth because they were more | ||
revolution. Urban growth. Commercial | transformative. Cotton was a global | ||
expansion. Cheap energy (coal). High | industry Demand for British cotton was | ||
wages. | very price elastic Technical improvements | ||
27 | Agriculture did play an important | led to enormous output growth This led to | |
role: output per worker. | Manchester—vast urbanization Also a very | ||
28 | Output per worker is agricultural | large demand for machinery Steam engine | |
output divided by the agricultural | and iron industries allowed General | ||
population from earlier population | mechanization of industry, railway, steam | ||
breakdown. Agricultural output is | ship Basis of 19th century global economy | ||
calculated from a demand curve. Other | Account for almost half of growth in | ||
investigators have used this procedure for | British labour productivity in 19th | ||
Spain, the Netherlands, and Italy. This | century. Engineering industry was the most | ||
procedure makes per capita consumption of | important creation of British industrial | ||
agricultural products a function of income | revolution. | ||
and price. Q = P-.6W.5M.1N P = price, W = | 64 | The Great Divergence led to Modern | |
wage income, M=price manufactures, | Economic Growth—not the other way around. | ||
The Great Divergence in World Incomes: Why Are Some Countries Rich and Others Poor.ppt |
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